Murders in the Land of the Naïve – 6
Heehs wrote Sri
Aurobindo: A Brief Biography, OUP, 1989 (Bio-1), The Lives of Sri Aurobindo, CUP, 2008, (Bio-2) and much else in the same vein.[1] I
analyse Bio-1 and 2 and their prefaces using his device critical openness of a seeker of truth
and his diktat: Biographers must take
their documents as they find them…, paying as much attention to what is written
by the subject’s enemies as by his friends, not giving special treatment even
to the subject’s own version of events. Accounts by the subject have
exceptional value, but they need to be compared against other narrative
accounts, more important, against documents that do not reflect a particular
point of view.
All text in Italics is from
Bio-1, Bio-2 and their prefaces; all in Roman is mine. I have often
interspersed my comments in Roman within Marcher’s text which is always in
italics.
Peter’s
Attitude and Approach F:
I first encountered Aurobindo in 1968 in
a yoga center on 57th
Street in Manhattan.
The teacher was an elderly Polish Jew with a suitably Indian name (so a
turncoat?)…. Among the artefacts he
brought back from India
were photographs of people he called “realized beings” (so a turncoat?)…. One of them was of Aurobindo…I did not
find it particularly remarkable as the subject wore neither loincloth nor turban, and had no simulated halo around his
head. A few months later…I found myself living in another yoga center…(which)
had the most complete collection of
Aurobindo’s his writings in New York… for the next four years…I did a lot of
reading, primarily, of Aurobindo…. Now and then I thought about travelling to India…. A week
after my arrival, I found myself living in the ashram Aurobindo had founded. I
might not have stayed if I had not been asked to do two things I found very
interesting: first, to collect material dealing with his life; second, to
organize his manuscripts and prepare them for publication… [For,] it had never occurred to anyone to search
systematically for biographical documents…. But when I began to write… I found
that…anything that cast doubt on something that he said was taboo, even if his
statement was based on incomplete knowledge of the facts…anything that challenged
an established interpretation, even one that was clearly inadequate.
My
Comments as his hagiographer: Marcher was a mature youth of 20 when he first encountered Aurobindo and by his
Daemon’s grace knew Aurobindo for a fraud.
Next month, he found himself (=
without conscious willing) at a certified Yoga
center, took an in-depth Yoga-course
and, awarded a Black Belt in Yoga at 24, became a Seeker of Truth qualified to judge Aurobindo’s inner lives in appropriately inner terms. Next, obeying
his Daemon’s adesh, he
found himself living in Aurobindo’s ashram, the authorities of which promptly asked
him to do two things which no disciple ever showed interest or
ability to do systematically. He founded Aurobindo
Archives, collected and classified
every good,
bad and ugly written and oral data on his subject
both in ashram and outside. At the
same time he acquired Black Belts in ashram’s
and India’s
biographies, histories, religions, sociologies, and politics,
to (re)interpret everything by and on Aurobindo,
and created the
only authorised biographies in appropriately scholastic terms Simultaneously, he built himself a real
Cave of Tapasya, equipped it with the latest
yogically-electronic gadgetry, linked his fast-evolving Yoga with the evolving
world, and created the Only True Evolutionary Yoga from which, I shall quote in
the last part of this series.
My
Comments as his biographer:
Mutated by his Daemon, Marcher’s mind (re)interprets everything in its muddied puddles
of objective facts. Check out this
trivial-looking instance: Bio-1
indexes him under “Sri Aurobindo” but Bio-2
under “Ghose, Aurobindo”. Now three instances relevant at this stage:
First
instance: How and why Sri Aurobindo became a revolutionary.
[A] Sri Aurobindo’s
account (compare the underlined here and below): At an early age (1884-86), he began
first to be interested in Indian politics of which previously he knew nothing.
His father began sending the newspaper The
Bengalee with passages marked relating cases of maltreatment of Indians
by Englishmen and he wrote in his letters denouncing the British
Government in India
as a heartless Government. At the age of eleven (1883) Aurobindo had
already received strongly the impression that a period of general upheaval
and great revolutionary changes was coming in the world and he himself was
destined to play a part in it. His attention was now drawn to India and this
feeling was soon canalised into the idea of the liberation of his own
country. But the ‘firm decision’ took full shape only towards the end of
another four years. It had already been made when he went to Cambridge (1890).” By then “he had studied
with interest, the revolutions and rebellions which led to national
liberation, the struggle against the English in mediaeval France and the
revolts which liberated America
and Italy.
He took much of his inspiration from these movements and their leaders,
esp., Jeanne d’Arc and Mazzini…. His habit in action was not to devise
beforehand and plan but to keep a fixed purpose, watch events, prepare forces
and act when he felt it to be the right moment. His first organised work in
politics (grouping people who accepted the idea of independence and were
prepared to take up an appropriate action) was undertaken at an early stage,
but took regular shape in or about 1902.[2]
[B] Bio-1 and Bio-2’s interpretations in a combined form (compare the underlined
here and above):
Shelley’s ‘Revolt of Islam’…the story of a struggle from freedom set in
a mythic East, but patterned on the French Revolution, helped turn Aurobindo’s
maturing thought [=ignorant of actual
realities] in the direction of
political action.[3] He read it ‘again and again’, and touched
by something in Shelley’s imaginative recreation of the French Revolution,
resolved to dedicate his life ‘to a similar world-change and take part in it’.
He had by then ‘received strongly the impression that a period of general
upheaval and great revolutionary changes was coming in the world’, and he
felt destined to play a part in these changes. This feeling was at first
not specially connected with India, about which ‘he knew nothing’; but soon his
father – whose opinion of the British had changed radically as a result of
his unjust and humiliating transfers,
unjustifiably nurtured his son’s
interests [=fantasies] by sending
cuttings from a Calcutta hence unreliable newspaper “with biased passages
marked relating to cases of maltreatment of Indians by Englishmen” and, blinkered
by rancour, to condemn the Indian
government as ‘heartless’. When Aurobindo learned of conditions in his homeland [not motherland,
mother-figures are fatal!], his general
commitment to revolutionary [political
above] action was ‘canalised into the
idea of the liberation of his own country’. In his reading of history, he
concentrated on [≠ Sri Aurobindo’s “studied with interest”], ‘the revolutions and rebellions which led to national liberation’, and made
heroes of Joan of Arc, Mazzini, and others who fought against foreign
domination. The last sentence, Bio-1’s,
stops to quote at ‘led to national
liberation’ lest Americans know that Aurobindo
also made heroes of the founders and movements of their homeland to
oust the same alien leeches, and empathy infects their soul! Bio-2 omits even this disinfected mention.[4]
Second
instance: Conditions that brought him into and out of active politics.
[A] Sri Aurobindo’s
account:
“There were three sides to Sri Aurobindo’s political ideas and activities… a
secret revolutionary propaganda and organisation of which the central object
was the preparation of an armed insurrection… a public propaganda to convert
the whole nation to the ideal of independence… the organisation of… a public
and united opposition and undermining of the foreign rule through…
noncooperation and passive resistance. [He] believed that although the British
would… only concede very slowly such reforms as would not weaken their imperial
control… if they found resistance and revolt becoming general and persistent
they would in the end…prefer to grant independence…. [His] first move [was] revolutionary
propaganda and recruiting throughout Bengal…..
Meanwhile Sri Aurobindo had met a member of the Secret Society in Western India…. [He] took up on his own responsibility
the task of generalising support for its objects in Bengal….
One of the ablest men in these revolutionary groups was S.G. Deuskar who had
written a popular life of Shivaji in Bengali in which he first brought in the
name of Swaraj, afterwards adopted by the Nationalists as their word for
independence…. Sri Aurobindo preferred to remain and act and even to lead from
behind the scenes… [When prosecuted] as editor of the Bande Mataram… he became openly… a prominent leader of the
Nationalist party, its principal leader in action in Bengal
and the organiser there of its policy and strategy…. After a detention of one
year as an undertrial prisoner in the Alipur Jail, he came out in May 1909, to
find the party organisation broken, its leaders scattered by imprisonment,
deportation or self-imposed exile and the party itself still existent but dumb
and dispirited and incapable of any strenuous action. For almost a year he
strove single-handed as the sole remaining leader of the Nationalists in India to revive
the movement…. But at last he was compelled to recognise that the nation was
not yet sufficiently trained to carry out his policy and programme. For a time
he thought [of taking up] a less advanced Home Rule movement or an agitation of
passive resistance… [But] saw that the hour of these movements had not come and
that he himself was not their destined leader…. In February, 1910, he withdrew
to a secret retirement at Chandernagore and in the beginning of April sailed
for Pondicherry
in French India….
Eventually he cut off connection with politics… and went into complete
retirement.”[5]
[B] Bio-1’s account: Between 1900 and
1906 Aurobindo tried to build up a revolutionary network in Bengal
and attempted to link these groups to
the secret society he had joined in Bombay
in 1902. Between 1905 and 1910 he was one of the leaders of the advanced [=
fanatical] nationalist party known as the
Extremists. After 1906, he put most of his energy into politics [but] exercised general control over his revolutionary network. Important matters of policy, such as
decisions to kill officials, were usually referred to him. He did not choose to halt or redirect their [terrorist] activities, arguing that ‘it is not wise to check things when they
have taken a strong shape, for something good may come of out them’ and
later claimed that the general idea was taken
up and activity of many groups led to a greater and more widespread diffusion
of the revolutionary drive and its action’. Surely, this makes him the
father of Indian terrorism? At the 1906
session of Congress…the Extremists generally had the better of the Moderates….
At the same time the British were growing aware that the Extremists posed a
genuine challenge…the result was that they and Moderates joined forces…“to moderate
the evil passions of the Bengali” Extremists without delaying the reforms that the Morley-Minto govt had promised. From
May 1908 a concerted govt campaign
crushed political ‘extremism’ and
revolutionary activism. From the
moment of his acquittal [2
May 1909] the govt. had been
looking for a way to put him back in jail…. As his influence grew, the
provincial govts of Bengal and the imperial
govt of India
regarded him with increasing anxiety. The Chief Secretary of govt of Bengal wrote of him as “the most dangerous of our
adversaries now at large”. The same epithet was used by the Lt. Governors of
East and West Bengals, and later by the Viceroy, who referred to him as ‘the most dangerous
man we have to deal with at present’. In December 1909, after the failure of
the Extremist-Moderate negotiations, he issued a major policy statement in ‘To
My Countrymen’ where he condemned the
Moderates for rejecting the Extremists’ hand of fellowship, and criticized the
Govt for deluding the country with the sham Morley-Minto Reforms. In January
1910, revolutionists indirectly connected
with Aurobindo assassinated a police official…. Through February and March the
Govt studied the merits of the case, finally deciding to act early in April. An
arrest warrant was issued but it could not be served, for Aurobindo had left
the province.[6]
[C] Bio-2’s account: In October 1906,
Lord Minto told a deputation of
influential Muslims…: “You justly claim that your position should be
estimated…in respect of the political importance of your community and the
service it has rendered to the Empire.” In December 1906, the first meeting of the All-India Muslim
League was held. Its stated aims were
“to protect the cause and advance the interests of our co-religionists
throughout the country” and “to controvert the growing influence of the
so-called Indian National Congress.” This declaration marked the beginning
of sectarian politics in India [Note!]…. Seeing the Extremists…happy with the results of the 1906 Congress session,
the Tory press in England exploded:
“…it is well for the small and highly-educated classes [=Moderates] that the British sword stands between them
and their native enemies.” In 1908, while
govt was jailing Extremists, it was building bridges with the Moderates. In
exchange for toning down the nationalist movement, it would be rewarded with seats in the legislative councils under the
Morley-Minto Reforms. Since his release
from jail [2 May ’09], Aurobindo
advised revolutionary leaders such as Jatin Mukherjee…but his position as the
country’s most visible Extremist made
more active involvement impossible. This explains why, in 1909, the lull in revolutionary activity, after the arrests of 1908,
began to heat up again. In November
1909 an unknown terrorist [on his orders?] threw a bomb at Lord Minto in Ahmedabad – a coconut that only
dispersed the crowd! A month later,
members of a Maharashtrian group [on his orders?] shot and killed the district magistrate of Nashik. Then, on January 24, 1910, a young
Bengali named Biren shot Calcutta
detective Shamsul Alam at the Alipore courthouse. Biren was captured, but his
accomplice Satish…ran to tell Jatin Mukherjee who had planned the assassination [on his orders?]. Rather rashly, Jatin told Suresh to go and inform Aurobindo. He was, Satish later
recalled, “very happy” to hear the news. Aurobindo’s happiness doubtless was genuine, but his feelings
about terrorism had changed. [The primary
source that gives Marcher genuine
happiness to implicate Sri Aurobindo as the veiled General of all
terrorists is this note of Lt. Gov, West Bengal,
to Viceroy in May.08: Aurobindo is able,
cunning, fanatical…. He is the leader…in forefront of all, advising
seditions writing and authorising murder. But he has kept himself, like a
careful and valued General, out of sight of the ‘enemy’.] After weighing the benefits of terrorism…
he concluded that…govt retaliation
would paralyse “the hope and the effort to revive the…broader and calmer
Nationalism”. On February 8,
1910, govt passed a new Press Act spelling the end of the free expression of political opinion…. He then ceased
to write about politics…. On the
11th February 1910, his uncle and the other eight
deportees returned… Four [or five] days later he was told that he was about to be arrested…. The moment for
his departure [flight] had come.[7]
Third
instance: The Adeshes that brought
him to Pondicherry.
[A] Sri Aurobindo’s
account:
Sri Aurobindo’s first turn to spiritual seeking came in England in the
last year of his stay there…. In his studies… of the “Six Philosophies” of India he was
especially struck by the concept of the Atman… [To] convert the abstract idea
into a concrete and living reality in his own consciousness [he conceived] it
as something beyond or behind this material world – not having understood it as
something immanent in himself and all and also universal…. [The] vast calm
which descended upon him at the moment when he stepped first on Indian soil
[6Feb.’93], the vision of the Godhead surging up from within when in danger of
a carriage accident in [1893], the realisation of the vacant Infinite [1904],
the living presence of Kali in a shrine in Chandod [1904-5] were experiences
[that came] of themselves…. [By then] his habit in [political] action was not
to devise beforehand and plan but to keep a fixed purpose, watch events,
prepare forces and act when he felt it to be the right moment. [In 1904] he began his practice of Yoga – not
to clarify his ideas, but to find the spiritual strength which would support
him and enlighten his way [for] he carried on both [Yoga and politics] without
any idea of opposition between them…. [In 1907-08] Lele [his only helper in
Yoga] asked him [if] he could surrender himself entirely to the Inner Guide
within him and move as it moved him…. This he accepted and made that his rule
of sadhana and of life.… Since his twelve months’ [2May.08—2May.09] detention
[as an undertrial prisoner], which had been spent entirely in the practice of
Yoga, his inner spiritual life was pressing upon him for an exclusive
concentration. [But] he was determined to continue the [political] struggle….
[It was] Uttarpara [that] for the first [and only] time he spoke publicly of
his Yoga and his spiritual experiences….
Meanwhile the Govt were determined to get rid of him as the only
considerable obstacle left to the success of their repressive policy. As they
could not send him to the Andamans they decided to deport him…. [One] night at
the Karmayogin office [he] received
information of the Govt’s intention to search the office and arrest him. While
considering what should be his attitude, he received a sudden command from
above to go to Chandernagore in French India. He obeyed the command at once,
for it was now his rule to move only as he was moved by the divine guidance
and never to resist and depart from it… in a few hours he was at
Chandernagore where… he plunged entirely into solitary meditation and ceased
all other activity. Then there came to him a call to proceed to Pondicherry…. At Pondicherry, from this
time onwards [his] practice of Yoga became more and more absorbing. He dropped all
participation in any public political activity....[8]
[B] Bio-1’s standpoint: 1) A scholarly
biography cannot be devotional therefore he does not need to be a disciple
or devotee. 2) Aurobindo was engaged in
the practice of yoga only after 1905, so he does not need any belief, faith
or interest in spiritual matters to deal
with his life before 1905 – in other words Sri Aurobindo’s experiences from
1883 to 1905 (those we have just read Sri Aurobindo relating), were not
spiritual. 3) He claims to have dealt with the period after 1905 by merely a non-devotional
assumption that spiritual experiences…can
be genuine experiences of actual realities – in other words, even after
1905, what Sri Aurobindo calls spiritual experiences may not have been experiences
of actual realities, just
hallucinations. 4) He claims to deal with
Sri Aurobindo’s inner experiences – emotional,
intellectual, or spiritual – in appropriately inner terms, but does not
reveal his own spiritual experiences and status which give him the spiritual authority
to judge all of Sri Aurobindo’s inner experiences.
Bio-1’s account: One evening in mid-February, Aurobindo was informed that the next day
the Karmayogin office would be
searched and he arrested. “While
considering what should be his attitude, [Marcher is quoting Sri Aurobindo] he received a sudden command from above to
go to Chandernagore in French India.
He obeyed the command at once, for it was now his rule to move only as he was
moved by the divine guidance and never to resist and depart from it…in a few
hours he was at Chandernagore where he went into secret residence.” [Ridiculing
this quote, he adds] Chandernagore, a
town 20 miles from Calcutta, was under French administration. So long as he
stayed there he was safe from British arrest. Nevertheless, after about a month
he received another adesh telling him to go to Pondicherry, another French enclave a
100-miles south of Madras.
[What he means is that these commands,
adeshes, were lies invented decades
later, the actual reality was that it
was a mentally planned escape to French territories which everyone knew were
perfect bolt-holes for absconders from British Law. To amplify this actual reality he has discovered, he
twists another statement of Sri Aurobindo.] Since
his release from Alipore jail [i.e.,
as a convict on serving his term], his
“inner spiritual life” had been “pressing
upon him for an exclusive concentration”. Once settled in Pondi he could give
his full attention, free from the demands of his friends [Extremists and
terrorists] and the harassment of his
enemies [British Govt]…in order to
complete his Yoga unassailed. [But why illicitly insert the phrase free from the demands of his friends and
enemies when the rawest spiritual
aspirant knows that exclusive concentration on inner spiritual life at the
stage Sri Aurobindo then was could only be assailed by hostile occult forces, not
any human friend or enemy? In order to link Sri Aurobindo to the activities of
Extremist politicians and terrorists that continued after he retired to Pondicherry.
[C] Bio-2’s standpoint: A biographer can
use the subject’s diaries, letters, and…accounts by others of similar mystical
experiences. But in the end, such experiences remain subjective. Perhaps they
are only hallucinations or signs of psychotic breakdown. Even if not, do
they have any value to anyone but the subject?
Bio-2’s account:During his last few months in Calcutta, he had felt a strong
pressure to devote more of his time to yoga, and his stay in Pondicherry
reinforced this feeling…. On February
8, 1910, Govt passed a Press Act that… spelled the end of the free
expression of political opinion. He therefore announced in the Karmayogin that the paper would abstain “from comment
on current Indian politics or criticism of Govt….” He also got the idea [planned]
of learning a little Tamil and engaged a
Malabari pandit for the purpose. His desire to learn a language that was of no
use to him in Calcutta seems to have [=did] stemmed, at least
in part [=yes and no], from his
contacts with men from the Madras presidency. In July 1909, he had met one of
the promoters of [Extremist Chidambaran Pillai’s] Swadeshi Steam Navigation Co. of Tuticorin; the next month he gave an interview to India, a Tamil weekly published by [terrorist]
Srinivasacharya one of the company’s main
promoters. Toward the beginning of 1910 Srinivasacharya’s brother came to Calcutta and told him
how after the editor Bharati was arrested
for sedition in 1908 [fallout of Alipur Bomb Case], they had shifted to the French-ruled enclave in Pondicherry. Quite possibly on 15th
February Aurobindo…and some others were
sitting at the Karmayogin office when
their friend Ramchandra burst in and said that he was about to be arrested….
After a minute Aurobindo stood up and announced that he was going to
Chandernagore…. Years later he explained [cloaking his cowardice] that…he went within and heard a voice – an
adesh – that said “Go to Chandernagore”. He obeyed it without reflection. Had he given it any thought [=he did] he would have found good [rational] reasons to comply: Chandernagore [even idiots knew] was a French possession [so] the
best place near Calcutta
to go [to hide]. The adesh also came
at an opportune moment [Ha, ha!]…. By
his own account, his “habit in action was not to devise beforehand and plan but
to keep a fixed purpose, watch events, prepare forces and act when he felt it
to be the right moment.” [This was
his habit in action in Feb.1893 not
in Feb.1910! The own account merely
corrects a biographer’s idea that on return from England in 1893, “he did not know
what exactly he should do to make himself useful to his country-men”. By
Feb.’10, he had “in full…the realisation of the silent, spaceless and timeless
Brahman…and that of the cosmic consciousness and of the Divine as all beings
and all that is…after that it was impossible for him” not “to rely wholly on
the Divine and his guidance alone both for his sadhana and for his outward
actions.” Such is the reliability of this Seeker
of Truth!] Aurobindo’s friends in
Chandernagore had difficulty sheltering him.… Then sometime in March, he
received another adesh: “Go to Pondicherry.” Pondicherry, the capital of the French settlements in India, was more
than a thousand miles to the south [safest bolthole]. After working out [mentally, not supramentally] the outlines of the plan, he wrote notes to…M and…C, giving
each a mission [=planning like a criminal mastermind. Then the coup de grace]. In retrospective
accounts, he mentioned [only
to disciples, hence unreliable] his adesh and the need to concentrate on yoga as the
reason for his withdrawal from politics.[9]
[1] Presumably
they were approved by the Ashram Trust as per Rule No. 6 on p.5 of its Rules of Sri Aurobindo Ashram, 2003:
“Nothing should be sent out for publication (contributions to newspapers and
magazines, or books) without having been first submitted to Sri Aurobindo for
approval.”
[2] SABCL 26:3-4, 17, 18
[3] A fantasy patterned on the bloody French Revolution, helped turn a child-mind to political
action – the subtle clashes of bourgeois ambitions-interests! For his real
opinion on political versus revolutionary actions see his comments in the next
two instances.
[4] Bio-1:11-12, 8, plus Bio-2:15
[5] CWSA 36:47-52, 8
[6] Bio-1:38, 41-43, 51-52, 61-69
[7] Bio-2: 114-15, 124-25, 166, 201-05
[8] CWSA 36:6-10, 8, 61-64
[9] Bio-2: Preface, 226, 202-11
Just a minor quibble. It is my understanding tuat Peter Heehs was born in 1949. I also understand he arrived at the Ashram in 1969 at the Ages of 20. If he spent 4 years involved in the NY ashrams he would have first encountered Sri Aurobndo at age 16 or thereabouts. As usual an e,cellent article
ReplyDeleteDane